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Search results for: syrian in all categories
196 results found.
20 pages of results.
81. Cushan Rishathaim [Catastrophism & Ancient History Journal $]
... who might fit this role. We begin this search here with an abbreviated review of the literature. We do not have the time or space here to review all of the proposals that have been made by those who consider Cushan to have been a historical figure, thus attention is focused upon a couple of candidates who have enjoyed the most popularity recently. The first of these is Irsu from Egypt. 3 He ruled there briefly during the interval between the 19th and 20th dynasties. The relevant Egyptian text describes him as a "Syrian." 4 In actuality, however, Irsu does not make a good candidate for Cushan. Irsu did not invade Egypt from the north, he came to power from within Egypt at a time of weakness. As far as is known from Egyptian sources, he never conducted any foreign military campaigns. Indeed, it would not be expected that he could have, given the time of weakness in which Egypt was mired down. Even if he had conducted a campaign abroad to Canaan or Israel he would have come from the ...
82. Child of Saturn (Part V) [Kronos $]
... in the Scriptures. Because the catastrophes accompanying the Exodus were attributed by Velikovsky to a near encounter with the planet Venus, and also because Velikovsky saw in Baal a personification of the same planet, Aitchison asked: "Am I seeing more in the first part of the name [i.e., Baal, or was this place [Baal-zephon named after and in connection with the Venus miracle at this place?"(2) Despite the fact that Baal-zephon was the patron god of Ugarit- the present Ras Shamra, on the Syrian coast, far from the borders of Egypt- there is some evidence which does suggest that the Egyptians might have named a place in his honor. The Semitic Baal was not, after all, unknown in Egypt. Neither, it seems, was a female counterpart of him. I quote E. A. Wallis Budge: "Here for the sake of convenience may be mentioned the goddess Bairtha... i.e., Ba'alath, or Beltis, of Tchapuna... in full Bairtha Tchapuna or Ba'alath-Sephon, who ...
83. The Dating of the El-Amarna Letters [SIS C&C Review $]
... and Ephraemite versions." And the "ghost" Jehoram hypothesis has been re-argued more recently by John Strange of Copenhagen, in a paper read at the annual meeting of the Collegium Biblicum in January 1973. Strange believes that "the Deuteronomist deliberately used every ambiguity in his sources and created a 'ghost' in Israel" (7). But neither Strange nor Cook argued that some of Ahab's years and deeds had been attributed to this "ghost" Jehoram. Some scholars (8) have gone even further and suggested that the Syrian wars attributed to Jehoram in the Bible really refer to events in the days of Jehoahaz of Israel (814-798 BC). Discussing their theory, M. Elat wrote: "Scholars have already noticed that there were in fact no hostilities between Aram and Israel after the battle of Ramoth-gilead, fought only a short while after the battle of Karkar, and up to the death of Ben-Hadad.. The description of the subjugation of Israel by Ben-Hadad, king of Aram, in 2 Kings 5-7 is integrated into the section describing the ...
84. Jeremy Goldberg - Still Looking for David [SIS C&C Workshop $]
... fourth generation, ruling (before and after a Hittite-nominated interloper around the early reign of Ramesses II) well into the later reign of Ramesses II- i.e. at the very least c. 80 years after the end of the Amarna period [14. Although my reference to the rise of a new dynasty at Damascus may have been misleading, other biblical evidence concerning the situation in Syria during this period also conflicts with the continuing strength of Amurru: after the downfall of Hadadezer, Zobah only appears as Solomon's conquest and the only Syrian ruler to appear by name is Rezon of Damascus, whose disloyalty to Zobah is explicitly recounted by 1 Kings 11:23-25. There is also my objection, which Bernard has simply ignored, about the lack of any Hittite intervention in response to David and Solomon's campaigns in Syria (which would have been extremely humiliating to the Hittites). Of Bernard's new points, a) and b) are dealt with below, in response to JACF 6. On point c) the reference by one variant of 2 Samuel 24: ...
85. Applying the Revised Chronology [Pensee]
... than the 250-year period when no tombs were built in Syria or Cyprus to connect the later tombs to the earlier ones, is the fact that the earliest tombs of each group (i.e., those of 1550 and 950 B.C.), separated by 600 years, are most similar (162). The Cypriote vaulted tombs from 950-600 B.C. seem to undergo the same development as the Enkomi and Ugaritic tombs with 600 years separating the corresponding phases. It has been postulated that the later tombs somehow copied the earlier Cypriote or Syrian ones, but the tombs presumably copied must have been buried and invisible for some 600 years (163). Similar tombs are found in Jerusalem, Asia Minor, and Urartu of the 9th-7th centuries, and again it is thought that they originated in 9th-7th-century Syro-Phoenicia (164). But the only tombs of this type in that region, notably the ones from Ugarit, are placed centuries earlier. Leaving behind the regions bordering Syro-Phoenicia, we shall travel briefly to an actual Punic colony. In the 9th or 8th century B.C ...
86. David, Solomon & Archaeology: Revised Chronologies Compared [SIS C&C Workshop $]
... 2 (1993), p. 468) This disuse could here be explained by the movement of I Chronicles 12:7's important comrades of David to Jerusalem and their burial there (cf. Nehemiah 3:16). The latest burial in the Tel Gedor tomb would then probably be that of Jeroham. A fragmentary bronze bowl found in south-east Cyprus names a 'Hiram, king of the Sidonians', whose usual identification as Hiram II (c. 738) appears epigraphically indefensible (cf. J.C.L. Gibson: Textbook of Syrian Semitic Inscriptions 3 (1982), pp. 31 and 67). With a c. 200-250 year downdating, '12th-11th century' features of this bowl's script and related scripts would point instead to Solomon's ally, Hiram I (who is generally thought- e.g. H.J. Katzenstein: The History of Tyre (1973) pp. 84f.- to have suppressed a revolt in south-east Cyprus at the start of his reign; here, cf. evidence- e.g. O. Negbi, AJA 96 (1992), ...
87. A Note on the Term "Hyksos" [Kronos $]
... of a race largely Semitic in origin and, according to the natives of Egypt, barbarous and uncivilized in their manners and customs and in their strange sounding names."(20) In a discussion of the Fifteenth Dynasty and its rulers, Albright remarked that "in later times the Egyptians applied the term Hyksos, literally 'princes of the shepherds,' to them, but this designation is probably a mistake for a phrase with nearly identical pronunciation, meaning 'foreign chiefs, chiefs of a foreign country,' applied to Palestinian and Syrian chiefs and princes in the literature of the Middle Empire."(21) In translating Manetho for the Loeb Classical Library series, W. G. Waddell made the following comment about the term Hyksos."... and sos in common speech is 'shepherd' or 'shepherds':... This is correct: for the Egyptian word ssw, 'Bedouins,'... in Coptic becomes shôs, 'a herdsman'."(22) The Cyclopedia of Biblical, Theological, and Ecclesiastical Literature echoes Waddell ...
88. Untitled [Catastrophism & Ancient History Journal $]
... synchronicity. I hope to have the opportunity to publish on this argument at length. Cardona's question as to why Omri-- I suggest the Eblaite conquest of Mari occurred in his name-- placed his capital so far to the north, well out of Israelite territory, is, in my interpretation (following Chetwynd) a non-sequitor. On my model, following Chetwynd, if Ebla was an Israelite kingdom, whether Samaria or not, then obviously Omri built his capital in the heart of his kingdom and it was not in Syrian territory. Aram would have been a separate kingdom, simply of smaller size than is commonly assumed. (This argument is supported by the relative paucity of Late Bronze remains so far found at Damascus, the capital of Aram in the First Temple period.) Concerning the Eblaite geographical list of West Semitic sites, including Sadam and Admu-ud or Sabi-im, as Cardona admits, the interpretation is still tentative. But even if the W. H. Shea identification he cites is accurate, the two cites would have been south and ...
89. Evidence of the Prophets and Egypt [Catastrophism & Ancient History Journal $]
... because the armies of Israel were decimated by Hazael and Ben-Hadad (2 Kings 13:3-7). The deliverer's activities must have been against Syria. If he came from Egypt he could have been Haremhab, Nakhtmin, or some other military leader. [33 In his tomb Haremhab is described [34... as [a henchman at the feet of his lord on the battle-field on this day of slaughtering Asiatics. [Sculpted wall scenes show rows of manacled captives.... The central register is headed by a Syrian prince whose special importance is stressed by his bulkier form and evident anger at the predicament in which he finds himself. If the deliverer came from Assyria the most likely candidate would be Adad-Nirari III, who received the tribute of Joash (847-832) the son of Jehoahaz. [34 There is no evidence yet, however, to indicate that his campaign against Syria was in Jehoahaz' time. If he came from Hatti he could have been Suppiluliumas, who is known to have campaigned on the western flank of Syria in the ...
90. Abraham to Hezekiah: An Archaeological Revision Part I [Catastrophism & Ancient History Journal $]
... new pottery repertoire, there are some indications of continuity with the previous EBIV/MBI period that would support our view that the culture of MBIIA is primarily a development of that of EBIV/MBI rather than an intrusive culture due to population movement. (29) Tubb has recently given an impressive critique of the theory that MBIIA cultural developments are due to the arrival of a new populace (such as a second wave of Amorites). He has shown that it is impossible to prove that the MBIIA culture of Palestine and the Syrian coast originated in the Syrian inland, as demonstrated by the Amorite hypothesis: Since it cannot be demonstrated that there is a connection between the painted pottery of Palestine and that of central inland Syria, the argument that seeks an origin for the Palestinian MBIIA culture in the latter region is seriously weakened.... The preceding discussion makes it clear that it is not appropriate to attribute the origin of the MBIIA Palestinian-Syrian coastal culture to external inspiration or motivation. (30) In place of the Amorite type of explanation Tubb argues ...
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