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... , having a king with a name like Nikdime, which fits the description by Shalmaneser better than Ugarit." Where Velikovsky noted that it "may be that even Shalmaneser's simile of the sea looking like dyed wool was inspired by the trade of Ugarit-Ras Shamra", Feldman seems to have assumed that this definitely was the case, and that the "city of Nikdime" was a producer of red wool dye. This is reading too much into an ordinary Assyrian expression. In his first year Shalmaneser III defeated a coalition of northern Syrian states, from Sam'al, Hattina, Adini and Carchemish, and he "dyed the mountains with their blood like red wool".(17) Were these cities also renowned for their red wool dye? Moreover, a little "scouring of Semitic documents" outside the pages of Ages In Chaos would have shown that the "cities of Nikdime and Nikdiera" were not western ports at all; Feldman has presented a conclusion of Velikovsky's argument as if it were a known fact. The campaign of Shalmaneser III's fourth year is ...
102. A Critique of "Ramses II and His Time" [SIS C&C Review $]
... XIXth Dynasty would throw all this data into confusion. For example, the Hittite Emperor Suppiluliumas was a contemporary of the Pharaohs Akhnaton and Tutankhamun (not necessarily of Amenhotep III as Velikovsky states), his son Mursilis the adversary of Seti I, and his sons Muwatallis and Hattusilis the contemporaries of Ramesses II. Because his reconstruction interposes some 150 years between the XVIIIth and XIXth Dynasties, Velikovsky is required to divide Suppiluliumas into two persons living in two different ages. The "first", an el-Amarna correspondent, he identifies with a Syrian princelet of the time of Shalmaneser III, and he ascribes the deeds of Suppiluliumas recorded by his son Mursilis to the "second". But the problem is not solved so easily. Aziru, King of Amurru (identified with Hazael of Damascus in Ages in Chaos), was another el-Amarna correspondent; he is also mentioned as a vassal of Suppiluliumas in the treaty between Mursilis and the King of Amurru [45. Tusratta, King of Mitanni also wrote to Akhnaton, describing his wars with the King of Hatti; Suppiluliumas ...
103. Three Views of Heinsohn's Chronology [SIS C&C Workshop $]
... thus, 'evolutionary looked more ancient than the script of the Old-Babylonians' (A. Kammenhuber: Die Arier im Vorderen Orient [Heidelberg, 1968, p. 31) supposedly already in existence since 2000 BC was seen by eminent scholars like Albrecht Goetze, Benno Landsberger and Hans Guterbock as early as the 1930's. Though this observation was honestly disliked (e.g., G. Wilhelm [1984, p. 649, n. 17) it stood the test of close scrutiny: "The seventeenth century witnessed the borrowing from a Syrian scribal center of a script more like that of the earlier Old Akkadian period than those of contemporary Assyria or Babylonia. The most important Mesopotamian elements attested in Old Hittite texts and in compositions whose originals may be postulated for this period are traditions concerning the Old Akkadian Sargonic kings, and the lost forerunner of a hymn to the Storm-god. Note also that Old Hittite monarchs employed the Akkadian language even in their royal inscriptions- Hittite versions are also known for these texts- and the most domestic grants of land are heavily Akkadographic in ...
104. The Saturn Problem [SIS C&C Review $]
... Other sources refer to his home in the caves of Cilicia, and the scene of his combat with Zeus as being Mt Kasios in northern Syria [60. In the Hurrian story, the Storm-god Teshub (equivalent of Zeus) climbs Mount Hazzi (Greek Kasios) to espy the gigantic Ullikummi (equivalent of Typhon). An Ugaritic text tells us that the Phoenician name for Hazzi was Spn or Saphon, evidently the origin of the name 'Typhon' [61. This nexus of geographical and phonetic links demonstrates how important the Cilician-North Syrian coast was in the development of the Greek myths of theogony and theomachy. As the region was dominated by the Hurrians for much of the Bronze Age, it provides corroborative evidence of the Hurrian contribution to Hesiod. It would seem likely that the Bronze Age Greeks learnt of the Hurrian myths not via the Hittites of central Anatolia but through their contacts with the cities of the north Syrian coast, such as the proto-Phoenician metropolis of Ugarit. Such a route is more than plausible. And given the identical nature of the Hurrian and ...
105. Letters [SIS C&C Workshop $]
... In particular level VII is very rich in different images. In the area of human figures, in addition to the bull-headed men I noticed figures resembling Naram-Sin, others reminiscent of Hammurabi (the name Hammurabi occurs frequently), and also a surprising number of Egyptian-looking deities or other motifs, such as the winged disc and the ankh. Collon states (p. 185 under the heading 'Egyptianizing Figures and Motifs'- emphasis added throughout): "The sealings from level VII at Alalakh provide the first datable examples of Egyptian scenes in Syrian glyptic and would indicate that contact was maintained between Egypt and Northern Syria during the period of Hyksos domination, or at least during the first half of the 17th century BC. Dr John Schmidt, with whom I discussed the question, has suggested that contact between Egypt and the Near East, which is documented for the later periods, was preceded by similar contacts from Hyksos times onwards." On p. 191 Collon says: "The bull-man appears in the Early Dynastic Period and is rarely seen after the end of the ...
106. Letters [SIS C&C Workshop $]
... "Nuzu <= Mitanni> Ware" and imported wares found with it, and dates this period from 1600 to 1200. In the immediately preceding Period VII, 1800-1600, he places wares of the Tell el Yahudiyeh type. This type so named from Sir Flinders Petrie's excavations at the site in Egypt, has also been found at Ugarit, the modern Ras Shamra, by Professor Schaeffer, in a connnection which points to a date immediately before the 15th century. That the ware was common in Syria is proved by speciments in Syrian museums' (Smith, 1941, p. 6f., emphasis added). Pre-1600 Tell al Yahudiyeh ware is of course none other than Hyksos Period ware. Also, Alalakh 'levels VII and VI contain a variety of wares, some imported but most of them made locally. Most of the local wares bear a marked resemblance to Khabur ware' (ibid. p. 8). 'The decoration on Khabur ware is carried out, on any one pot, in a monochrome paint, which may be red to reddish ...
107. The Lion Gate at Mycenae [Pensee]
... people now placed five to six hundred years earlier in time. Unfortunately, there is a terrible confusion over "who was where when" and "who was influenced by whom" among scholars due to the existing state of chronological affairs (47). The Gordian knot of art historical controversy is not so easily cut, either. As Demargne has asked, "to what extent was the Mycenaean world influenced by Syria or Egypt either directly or via Cyprus.... Conversely, to what extent were the civilizations of the Syrian towns, of the Egypt of Amarna and the XIXth Dynasty, accessible to Aegean influences (48)?" Nevertheless, one thing is certain and that is the fact that according to the now accepted art historical framework, we have a renowned work of monumental sculpture which time wise exists in apparent "splendid isolation" and alien in spirit to the Cretan artistic temperament (49). "For a long time it was believed that Mycenae had been under Cretan domination, almost as if it were the colonial outpost of a ...
108. In Defence of the Revised Chronology [SIS C&C Review $]
... be found in the Egyptian list. It appears that Etam is Itmm; Beth-Zur- Bt sir; Socoh- Sk. Further: "Among the one hundred and nineteen cities were many which the scholars did not dare to recognise: they were built when Israel was already settled in Canaan." (2) Day asks, "Why should it not be this Kadesh (on the Orontes river in northern Syria) which is in view in Thutmose III's inscriptions?" It is certainly so, as Day says, that several Syrian cities including Damascus are mentioned on the list. But we must still ask "why a city outside Palestine was places at the head of a list of Palestinian cities "why a city outside Palestine or an insignificant city in Palestine was placed at the head of a list of Palestinian cities"- even if including some on the Syrian marches or in Syria-" where one would expect to find the capital of the Land." (3) Velikovsky leaves us pondering this question. In any case, "in the ...
109. The el-Amarna Letters and the New Chronology [SIS C&C Review $]
... the peoples were also Semites- according to the conventional chronology a Canaanite/pre-Israelite settlement. The Indo-Europeans, whose language has not been translatable to date, seem to have settled the coastal plain in areas later to be occupied by the Philistines (as proposed by the orthodox chronology), but also as far north as Acco, Achshaph and Megiddo. The Amarna Letters also refer to 'non-settled' peoples, usually termed SA.GAZ and generally thought to be bandits or outlaws. This phrase is mainly used to describe the eastern neighbours of the Syrian vassal states whose letters to Pharaoh are mostly concerned with the disruptive activities of the kings of Amurru (the Old Testament Amorites). Another, different, term is employed by Abdi- Heba, king of Jerusalem. He refers to a group of trouble-makers known as the habiru who are threatening his own city, whereas other rulers of the region use 'GAZ' to describe this same group. (For the sake of convenience we will be referring to all the southern GAZ and habiru groups simply as habiru [5.) ...
110. After 200 Years It's Time to Get Serious About Dynasty XVIII and Tuthmose III [Aeon Journal $]
... stayed in the south, Tuthmose I reached Naharin [21 without particular difficulty, where he set up a commemorative stela and, with ritualistic Úlan, beat up on the locals. In a short career, his son, Tuthmose II, conducted a foray along the coast which reached as far as Niy, [22 not far south of Naharin (and, with no point in visiting one without the other, we will credit him, like his grandfather, with going all the way). At this stage, the sporadic Syrian incursions ceased, since there is no suggestion that Queen Hatshepsut every journeyed to, or exerted any force in, that region, viz: "The reign of Hathepsowe had been barren of any military enterprise except an unimportant raid into Nubia..." [23 What this means is that 22 years went by in the north devoid of an Egyptian presence. It was not until her successor, Tuthmose III, a full century after the Hyksos expulsion from Avaris, that we have any indication that Egypt got really serious about ...
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